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| commander2 = | commander3 = | units1 = | units2 = | units3 = | strength1 = 26,408 (IMARO figures)〔 | strength2 = 350,931 (IMARO figures)〔 | strength3 = | casualties1 = IMARO figures:〔 | casualties2 = 5328 wounded or killed (IMARO figures)〔 | casualties3 = | notes = | campaignbox = }} The Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising or simply the Ilinden Uprising of August 1903 ((ブルガリア語:Илинденско-Преображенско въстание), ''Ilindensko-Preobrazhensko vastanie''; (マケドニア語:Илинденско востание), ''Ilindensko vostanie''; (ギリシア語:Εξέγερση του Ίλιντεν), ''Eksegersi tou Ilinden'') was an organized revolt against the Ottoman Empire, which was prepared and carried out by the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization.〔''The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920'', C. & B. Jelavich, 1977, pp 211-212〕 The name of the uprising refers to Ilinden (Cyrillic script: Илинден), the Bulgarian and Macedonian name for Elijah's day, and to Preobrazhenie (Cyrillic script: Преображение), which means Transfiguration. The British journalist of the Balkans H. N. Brailsford wrote in his book "Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future": ''The moment for which the Bulgarian population had been preparing for ten years, arrived on the festival of the Prophet Elijah's day — the evening of Sunday, August the 2nd, 1903.'' At the same time on the other end of the SMARO's territory, in Eastern Thrace, the leaders of the Adrianople Vilayet comitajis, had unanimously agreed that they were not ready for uprising, but out of a feeling of solidarity, had voted for a rising. So in Strandzha the rising had begun on the Feast of the Transfiguration, August 19, 1903.〔For freedom and perfection. The Life of Yané Sandansky. Mercia MacDermott (Journeyman, London, 1988), p. 134.〕 Evidences of the Bulgarian sentiments of the insurgents during the rising are abundant.〔Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe, Klaus Roth, Ulf Brunnbauer, LIT Verlag Münster, 2009, ISBN 3825813878, (p. 135. )〕 The rebellion in the region of Macedonia affected most of the central and southwestern parts of the Monastir Vilayet receiving the support mainly of the local Bulgarian〔. (FIFTY YEARS IN CONSTANTINOPLEAND RECOLLECTIONS OF ROBERT COLLEGE ). p. 286: 〕〔The Sydney Morning Herald. (page 9 ). 〕 peasants and to some extent of the Aromanian population of the region.〔 Kostov, Chris (Historian research consultant for Canadian government). ''Contested Ethnic Identity: The Case of Macedonian Immigrants in Toronto''. (p.71 )〕 Provisional government was established in the town of Kruševo (to the west of Prilep), where the insurgents proclaimed the ''Kruševo Republic'' under the presidency of the school teacher Nikola Karev, which was overrun after just ten days, on August 12.〔 On August 19, a closely related uprising organized by Bulgarian peasants in the Adrianople Vilayet led to the liberation of a large area in the Strandzha Mountains near the Black Sea coast, and the creation of a provisional government in Vassiliko, the ''Strandzha Republic''. This lasted about twenty days before being put down by the Turks.〔 By the time the rebellion had started, many of its most promising potential leaders, including Ivan Garvanov and Gotse Delchev, had already been arrested or killed by the Ottomans, and the effort was quashed within a couple of months. The survivors managed to maintain a guerrilla campaign against the Turks for the next few years, but its greater effect was that it persuaded the European powers to attempt to convince the Ottoman sultan that he must take a more conciliatory attitude toward his Christian subjects in Europe. ==Prelude== At the turn of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was crumbling, and the lands they had held in Eastern Europe for over 500 years were passing to new rulers. Macedonia and Thrace were regions of indefinite boundaries, adjacent to the recently independent Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian states, but themselves still under the control of the Ottoman Turks. Each of the neighbouring states based claims to Macedonia and Thrace on various historical and racial grounds. But the population was highly mixed, and the competing historical claims were based on various empires in the distant past.〔, first published in 1931, by H. Holt & Co.〕 The competition for control took place largely by means of propaganda campaigns, aimed at winning over the local population, and took place largely through the churches and schools. Various groups of mercenaries were also supported, by the local population and by the three competing governments.〔 The most effective group was the Internal Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Organization (IMARO), founded in Thessaloniki in 1893. The group had a number of name changes prior to and subsequent to the uprising. It was predominantly Bulgarian and supported an idea for autonomous Macedonia and Adrianople regions within the Ottoman state with a motto of "Macedonia for the Macedonians".〔 It rapidly began to be infiltrated by members of Macedonian Supreme Committee, a group formed in 1894 in Sofia, Bulgaria. This group was called the ''Supremists'', and advocated annexation of the region by Bulgaria.〔 Volume 8 of the 11 volume series ''A History of East Central Europe''.〕 Since the term autonomy was regularly used in relation to the Macedonian Question, it is essential to note its sense and reason. Its inspiration certainly belonged to the nineteenth-century Balkan practice whereby the powers maintained the fiction of Ottoman control over effectively independent states under the guise of autonomous status within the Ottoman state; (Serbia, 1829–1878; Romania, 1829–1878; Bulgaria, 1878–1908). ''Autonomy, in other words, was as good as independence.'' Moreover, from the Macedonian perspective, the goal of independence by autonomy had another advantage. More important, IMARO was aware that neither Serbia nor Greece could expect to obtain the whole of Macedonia and, unlike Bulgaria, they both looked forward to and urged partition. Autonomy, then, was the best prophylactic against partition, that would preserve the Bulgarian character of Christian Macedonian Slav population despite the separation from Bulgaria proper. The idea of Macedonian autonomy was strictly political and did not imply a secession from Bulgarian ethnicity.〔''The Macedoine: The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics'', by Ivo Banac, Cornell University Press, 1984, p. 314.〕 The two groups had different strategies. IMARO as originally conceived sought to prepare a carefully planned uprising in the future, but the Supremacists preferred immediate raids and guerilla operations to foster disorder and a precipitate interventions.〔〔, first printed in 1922.〕 On the other hand a smaller group of conservatives in Salonica organized a Bulgarian Secret Revolutionary Brotherhood (''Balgarsko Tayno Revolyutsionno Bratstvo''). The latter was incorporated in IMARO by 1902 but its members as Ivan Garvanov, were to exert a significant influence on the organization. They were to push for the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising and later became the core of IMRO right-wing faction.〔Революционното братство е създадено в противовес на вътрешната организация от еволюционистите. Уставът му носи дата март 1897 г. и е подписан с псевдонимите на 12 членове — основатели. Братството създава свои организации на някои места в Македония и Одринско и влиза в остър конфликт с вътрешната организация, но през 1899–1900 г. се постига помирение и то се присъединява към нея - Христо Караманджуков, "Родопа през Илинденско-Преображенското въстание" (Изд. на Отечествения Фронт, София, 1986).〕 One of the founding leaders of IMARO, Gotse Delchev, was a strong advocate for proceeding slowly, but the Supremacists pressed for a major uprising to take place in the summer of 1903. Delchev himself was killed by the Turks in May 1903. Meanwhile in late April 1903, a group of young anarchists from the ''Gemidzhii Circle'' - graduates from the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki launched a campaign of terror bombing, the so-called ''Thessaloniki bombings of 1903''. Their aim was to attract the attention of the Great Powers to Ottoman oppression in Macedonia and Eastern Thrace. As a response to the attacks, the Turkish Army and ''bashibozouks'' (irregulars) massacred many innocent Bulgarians in Thessaloniki, and later in Bitola. By these circumstances the Supremacists' plan went ahead. Under a leadership from Ivan Garvanov IMARO made a decision about military revolt. Garvanov, himself, did not participate in the uprising, because of his arrest and exile in Rhodes. The day chosen for the uprising was August 2 (July 20 in the old Julian calendar), the feast day of St. Elias (Elijah). This holy day was known as ''Ilinden''. On 11 July, a congress at ''Petrova Niva'' near Malko Tarnovo set the date of 23 July for the uprising, then deferred it a bit more to 2 August. The Thrace region, around the Adrianople Vilayet was not ready, and negotiated for a later uprising in that region. It is interesting to note the position of the Bulgarian government on the issue. Already during the discussions, Racho Petrov's government supported IMARO's position of an entirely internal character of the rebellion. Apart from Racho Petrov's personal warning to Gotse Delchev in January 1903 about delaying or even canceling the rebellion, the government sent out a circular note to its diplomatic representations in Thessaloniki, Bitola and Edirne, advising the population not to succumb to a pro-rebellion propaganda, as ''Bulgaria was not ready to support it''.〔(The Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903, Dedicated to the 105th. anniversary from the events, Professor Dimitar Gotsev - Macedonian Scientific Institute. )〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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